Want to Elect Socialists? Run Them in Democratic Primaries

By Daniel Moraff. First published by In These Times.

There are currently 7,383 state legislators in the United States. Nine of them are affiliated with the Vermont Progressive Party. One of them is an independent from Alaska who caucuses with the Democrats.

This is the grand sum of the left presence in American state legislatures outside the Democratic Party. There has been a single instance of federal-level victory in my lifetime—Bernie Sanders’s election as an independent to the U.S. House, then Senate, in Vermont. No one else has even come close. And Sanders, after 30 years as an Independent, elected to seek the presidency through the Democratic primary. Continue reading

Number of Elected U.S. Socialists Quintuples Since 2012

votesocialist

The good news is that the number of socialists elected to public office has quintupled since 2012.

The bad news is that this quintupling is a jump from one to five:

  1. Bernie Sanders, independent U.S. Senator from Vermont.
  2. Pat Noble, Socialist Party USA Red Bank Regional High School board of education member.
  3. Kshama Sawant, Socialist Alternative Seattle city councilmember.
  4. Mike Sylvester, Democratic Socialists of America Maine state legislator.
  5. Julie Ann Nitsch, Democratic Socialists of America Austin, Texas community college trustee.

Continue reading

DSA: Defeat Trump, No Endorsement for Clinton

First published by Talking Union.

Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) believes that the Left must balance two crucial tasks in the November 2016 elections:

  1. On the one hand, the progressive movement must roundly defeat Donald Trump’s racist, nativist, Islamophobic and misogynist presidential campaign, as well as isolate and delegitimize the far-right hate groups that his campaign has strengthened.
  2. On the other hand, the Left must sustain and expand the independent electoral and social movement capacity built by the insurgent Sanders campaign, while broadening it out in an explicitly antiracist and multiracial direction.

Thus, through November, DSA will prioritize two goals:

  1. Building an independent “Dump Trump” movement, primarily in swing states where we have the capacity to make an impact, and
  2. Developing local multiracial coalitions and campaigns that can build independent socialist organizing capacity and challenge neoliberal, pro-corporate Democrats in November.

As an organization primarily oriented towards social movement building, DSA does not normally endorse presidential candidates. We decided to encourage Bernie Sanders to run for President — and then proudly participated in his movement — because he offered a political program that genuinely advances the democratic socialist vision. Hillary Clinton’s politics are quite different, and therefore DSA will not offer her our endorsement.

Nonetheless, DSA recognizes that a Trump “law and order” authoritarian administration would threaten the most elemental rights of immigrants, people of color, Muslims, women, workers and the LGBTQ community – as well as bring greater repression of left movements such as Black Lives Matter. Even bracketing the many other actions he could take through executive branch agencies or in league with a Republican-controlled Congress, Trump’s capacity to appoint at least two new Supreme Court justices alone would spell disaster for many of these communities. Further, having witnessed the radical rolling back of voting, labor, reproductive and immigrant rights brought about by Republican control of all three branches of government in 25 states – including Wisconsin, Michigan, and Ohio – we have a clear picture of just how devastating GOP control of all three branches of the federal government would be. While we also vehemently oppose the pro-corporate, imperialist policies of neoliberal Democrats like Hillary Clinton, we recognize that defeating the authoritarian Donald Trump is a crucial step toward building both a strong opposition to neoliberal democrats as well as a powerful democratic socialist movement.

Dump Trump in Contested States, Down-Ballot Races and Multiracial Social Movement Work in Safe States

As a result, many DSA chapters, particularly in swing states, will work within what we believe will be a growing independent “Dump Trump” movement. Through this work, which will consist largely of registering voters in black and Latino communities, fighting voter suppression and attending/organizing anti-Trump rallies, DSA and other radicals can increase the likelihood of a Trump defeat without working with the official Clinton campaign.

While many DSA chapters in swing states will be focusing on Dump Trump work, many of our chapters in non-contested states will focus on down-ballot races that feature Bernie Democrats, as well as explicitly socialist candidates both within and outside of the Democratic Party. Many chapters will also continue focusing on grassroots, multiracial campaigns against police brutality, mass incarceration, and white supremacy, and for affordable housing and high quality K-12 education.

Finally, while most DSAers in contested states will likely vote for Clinton and work actively to defeat Trump, some members in non-contested states will vote for, and/or work for the Jill Stein presidential campaign. DSA believes, however, that for any third party effort to be viable in the long-term, it will have to focus less on largely symbolic efforts at the presidential level and more on building the grassroots base necessary to win partisan races at the local and state level.

Fighting Neoliberalism: Building a Multiracial, Antiracist “Post-Bernie” Trend in U.S. Politics

Both before and after November, DSA’s more general objective will be to broaden the base of “the post-Sanders trend” both within and outside of electoral politics. The Clinton neoliberal wing of the Democratic Party rose to power in the 1980s and 1990s on a program of financial deregulation and a racial politics of punitive “welfare reform” and harsh federal criminal justice policies that can be best described as “Republican lite.” The Sanders campaign demonstrated that many rank-and-file Democrats are deeply opposed to this trend within the party. The campaign showed that both millennials and older working-class voters realize that they and their children cannot have secure and meaningful lives without an expansion of public goods (such as universal, free higher education and publicly financed childcare and paid parental leave) financed by progressive taxation.

The Clinton campaign’s description of this moderate social democratic program as “unrealistic,” “unaffordable,” or “socialist” failed to scare off a Democratic primary electorate that has an increasingly favorable view of the “s” world. The term may not yet mean democratic control over the workplace and economy to many, but an increasing number of voters equate socialism with a more just and egalitarian society. This is a base from which to build a powerful socialist movement that fights to expand political, civil and social rights while fighting to democratize control over the economy and social life.

iowasocialist

The left wing of the Democratic Party’s base has long opposed neoliberal policies. Many in the Congressional Progressive, black and Latino caucuses have progressive voting records. For example, only 40 House Democrats out of 190 supported fast track for the Trans-Pacific Trade Partnership (TPP). But it was not until the Sanders campaign that many of the positions long advocated by progressives within the Democratic Party started to see the light of day in the party’s official statements. The strength of the Sanders campaign led to platform concessions on, to name a few: a $15 per hour minimum wage (indexed to inflation), free higher education, a commitment to overturn Citizens United, the expansion of Social Security, the addition of a public option to the Affordable Care Act and the expansion of Medicare coverage to those 55 and over.

While it is highly unlikely that a Clinton presidency would free itself from corporate influence and actively champion these initiatives, the relatively progressive platform won by the Sanders movement provides at least some momentum for progressive movements to press for the enactment of these promises.

But the failure to win an explicit condemnation of TPP or to use the word “occupation” to describe illegal Israeli settlements on the West Bank demonstrates the persistent power of the Democratic establishment, as does the clear bias of the Democratic National Committee against the Sanders movement and the partial continuation of the superdelegate system, among many other examples.

Building a Strong Socialist Left within the Post-Bernie Progressive Movement Beyond the November 2016 Elections

DSA views the November elections as just one tactical stage in a long-term effort to build an independent grassroots, antiracist and feminist Left capable of exercising political power. Such efforts will have to creatively link social movement insurgency to democratic socialist electoral activity independent of the pro-corporate political establishment of both parties. Given the structural biases of the federal and state electoral system in favor of two major parties, much of this activity will come through insurgent campaigns in Democratic primaries. But DSA’s goal is build an independent democratic socialist movement powerful enough – in coalition with other progressive forces – to take on the power of corporate America and to build forms of international solidarity that can confront global capital.

We see dumping Trump, while also building independent left electoral and social movement capacity through the fall 2016 electoral season as just one step in this imperative long-term project. Going forward, DSA believes that it is only by prioritizing work around issues of racial justice – broadly conceived – that the emerging Sanders trend in U.S. politics can become a truly multiracial, majoritarian movement. Only by legitimating anti-racist and feminist democratic socialist politics and fighting for the ultimate democratization of economic and social life – what is known around the world as “democratic socialism” – can we build a society that serves the needs of the 99%.

Labor for Bernie: Our Revolution Is Just Beginning

By Peter Olney and Rand Wilson. Reposted from the Talking Union blog.

Now that the Democratic National Convention in Philadelphia has ended with Hillary Clinton as the party’s nominee, Bernie Sanders’ campaign for “political revolution” moves to its next phase.

Everyone who supported Labor for Bernie is very proud of the of the unprecedented grassroots effort to rally rank-and-file members on his behalf. A network of tens of thousands of supporters (largely recruited via the Labor for Bernie website and social media) campaigned in nearly every union to get trade union organizations to endorse Bernie.

Labor4Bernie Continue reading

Invitation: Socialist Caucus at the DNC

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The Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) invites all Democratic National Convention (DNC) delegates, members and friends to the Socialist Caucus, featuring:

  • Rahel Biru, New York DSA, activist in Debbie Medina NY State Senate campaign;
  • Michael Lighty, Political Director of the National Nurses United, key organizer of The People’s Summit;
  • Bob Master, Legislative/Political Director, Communication Workers of America (District 1), Co-Chair New York Working Families Party;
  • Ashley Rodriguez, El Chuco del Norte (El Paso) DSA and Bernie Sanders delegate to the DNC; and
  • Maria Svart, National Director of the Democratic Socialists of America.

PLEASE NOTE: Cornell West resigned from the Platform Committee this past Tuesday and won’t be attending the Convention in protest against the Sanders’ campaign not filing minority reports, particularly on Trans-Pacific Trade Partnership (TPP) and the Israeli occupation of the West Bank. We will miss Brother West at the Socialist Caucus, but the other speakers are fantastic (and stay tuned to this page for additional speakers)! Bring your friends and fellow delegates!

This is a free event,

but you must register here.

WHEN:
July 27, 2016 at 1:30pm – 3:30pm

WHERE:
William Way LGBTQ Center
1315 Spruce St
Philadelphia, PA 19107
United States
Google map and directions

Political Revolution Comes to Brooklyn

By Nicole Disser. Originally published by Bedford and Bowery. Primary day is September 13, 2016.

To meet with Debbie Medina, New York’s first Democratic Socialist candidate for State Senate, I was invited not to a campaign office, nor a public appearance, not even to join her on a campaigning stroll through the 18th district, but to Medina’s Williamsburg apartment– specifically, her dining room table. Here, she advised me not to take off my shoes. “You’ll ruin your socks if you do that,” she laughed.

It became clear to me immediately that Debbie Medina, who’s running her second grassroots campaign to snatch the 18th-district seat in the fall, isn’t at all like other politicians. For one, hers isn’t the sort of practiced, regal charisma that most politicos have– a perfect grin and an unerring face, both provided with extra protection from the elements by a layer of effervescent self-assurance so infectious that if you’re not careful it can briefly paralyze your capacity for doubt, and turn you into a nodding, agreeable dimwit.

Medina is not only an unusual candidate because she’s a member of the Democratic Socialists of America (an organization that recently endorsed her campaign), but because she doesn’t really look like most other politicians (white, old, male) or carry herself like them either– in fact, at a recent public meeting filled with City and State leaders (in such high concentration that the place felt like a police academy graduation ceremony), Medina tiptoed into a seat amidst all the bigwigs and began talking in a low voice, which drew the apparent ire of a woman seated in front of her. True, Medina didn’t really fit in with all the suited-up men around her, but something about the way she didn’t seem to notice or care, and the way her unwitting audience seated ahead might as well have been clutching actual pearls, that made it seem like Medina’s just keeping it real. Continue reading

Could Sanders Split the Democratic Party?

Shawn Whitney, Canadian writer, filmmaker, and socialist, continues our discussion of the US elections. He argues that Marxists should be playing an active role in Sanders’ campaign because of its potential to raise the general level of class-conciousness. Read previous contributions to the debate hereFirst published by Revolutionary Socialism in the 21st Century.

Presidential primary season is drawing to a close in the United States and mainstream media are trying to wrap up the dirty business of choosing the political candidates for each of the dominant political parties – so that they can move on to the dirty business of choosing the president. It will be Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton, we are told, and that is the end of it.

They are probably right. But that is hardly the end of it. The looming California primary could deal another bloody nose to the credibility of Hillary Clinton as the Democratic candidate, with the potential for a late season major upset by Bernie Sanders. If this happens it would come just a week after the Inspector General at the State Department released a damning report on Hillary Clinton’s simmering email scandal, explicitly exposing her as a liar[1], further cementing her image in the public mind as fundamentally dishonest. A recent Fox poll found that more people thought her dishonest than serial liar Trump with his multiple bankruptcies and business swindles.[2] In fact, what has become most apparent in the current primary is that both presumptive candidates – Trump and Clinton – have the highest disapproval ratings in polling history for any presidential candidate.[3]

What has been different this primary season is, first and foremost, the hunger on both sides of the political spectrum for more muscular responses to the unending crisis of capitalism. On the right there is Trump touting the politics of scapegoating. He promises to build a wall between the US and Mexico to keep out Latino refugees and immigrants. He promises to ban Muslim immigration. Lately he has been using racism to attack the Mexican-American judge who is presiding over the class-action lawsuit against Trump regarding one of his (many) scams: Trump University.[4] And, once a liberal on some social questions, he has run with the reactionary politics that are fueling his supporters. He has enthusiastically taken up the cudgel of social conservatism to attack women, gays and lesbians, African-Americans, etc. Continue reading